Trump plan uncertain but INSS has a plan: Two-state solution, 'separation' from the Palestinians
Gaza is not included in the INSS plan, nor is there a solution proffered for Jerusalem.
The Tel Aviv-based Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) will
unveil a two-state peace framework on Monday that includes steps it says
Israel can take to retain a strategic advantage even if there is no
partner on the other side with whom to negotiate.
Under the plan – drawn up by a 13-person team headed by veteran
negotiator Udi Dekel that included INSS head and former Military
Intelligence chief Amos Yadlin, and Gilead Sher, who served as chief of
staff to then prime minister Ehud Barak – Israel would declare its
commitment to a two-state solution and a willingness to enter into
direct negotiations over an agreement. In parallel, it would take steps
to move forward “separation” from the Palestinians and end its rule over
the Palestinians in Judea and Samaria.
The plan comes amid continued anticipation of when the Trump
Administration will roll-out its long-awaited peace framework, and
uncertainty about what will be in it.
Gaza is not included in the INSS plan, nor is there a solution proffered
for Jerusalem. The authors call the framework a “new conceptual path
toward a secure future for Israel.”
“Israel,” the plan reads, “will work to complete the security barrier,
which will mark the separation route and Israel’s future territorial
interests, and it will declare that it will freeze construction in
isolated settlements located deep inside Palestinian territory east of
the fence.”
Some 8-10% of the territory will, under the plan, remain on the Israeli
side of the security barrier, incorporating 86% of the Jews living in
Judea and Samaria. Israel would ask for formal US recognition of the
famous 2004 letter from George W. Bush to Ariel Sharon saying that the
administration sees these areas as part of Israel.
In addition, under the plan Israel would declare a further 20% of the
West Bank territory – primarily in the Jordan Valley – as areas of
Israeli security interest. These areas would remain under Israeli
control until security guarantees could be found that would be
satisfactory to Israel, and until a responsible and effective
Palestinian entity would be established.The plan says that Israel has in
interest in a functioning and stable Palestinian Authority that will
cooperate in progressing toward a diplomatic solution. Therefore, in an
attempt to strengthen the PA the plan calls for following steps:
Transfer to the PA full security responsibility for Area B, currently
under Israel’s overall security control, thereby creating a basis for a
future Palestinian state in Areas A and B, or 40% of the territory,
which today houses 98% of the Palestinians living in the West Bank.
Israel would transfer 25% of Area C currently under its control for
infrastructure development projects to the PA. A joint effort would be
made with the international community to establish industrial, tourism
and high-tech projects, as well as construction of housing. In the
initial phases, final security and planning authority for this area
would remain in Israel’s hands, and would gradually be handed over to
the PA. Currently Israel is in complete control of Area C, which
incorporates 60% of the West Bank.
A contiguous transportation artery from the northernmost part of Samaria
to the southernmost part of Judea would be built to reduce daily
friction between Palestinians and IDF soldiers and settlers.
A massive economic development plan would be launched to improve
Palestinian living conditions in the short term and promote Palestinian
economic independence in the long term that would enable “economic
separation” from Israel. An international mechanism for this purpose
would be set up.
Israel would seek international recognition and approval for these
steps, as well as a commitment to support these moves even in the event
of a breakdown of negotiations over a final deal with the Palestinians.
According to the plans’ authors, these steps will create a much more
favorable diplomatic and political situation for Israel moving forward
than exists now.
This plan, the authors maintain, preserves Israel’s security and
settlement interests, makes possible enlisting international and
regional support, does not include in the short term a need to evacuate
settlements, and provides Israel with diplomatic flexibility.
This framework, its authors say, “significantly improves the existing
reality” by working to change the status quo which they maintain is a
dangerous “slope that leads to significant national risks – principally,
one state without the ability to separate from the Palestinians.”
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